DSCCS: 347. pɘn= {pen=} stands for 'fire', -luʔ {-lu'} is a classifier for powders.
Shawi:ya-nuʔ ~ waɾi=a-nuʔ {yano' ~ huariano'}1
Hart 1988: 74, 246. The meaning of the root waɾi- {huari-} is unknown. -nuʔ {-nu'} is a classifier for powders.
Proto-Cahuapanan:*ya-luʔ1
Valenzuela 2011: #83 (*jaɾuʔ). Distribution: Preserved in all daughter languages. Reconstruction shape: Correspondences are completely regular. Semantics and structure: A classifier for powders is suffixed in both languages. This must have been the case already in Proto-Cahuapanan.
NUMBER:3
WORD:bark
Shiwilu:čipi-tɘk {chipitek}1
DSCCS: 64. Polysemy: 'skin / bark / leather / fish scales'. -tɘk {-tek} is a classifier for skins and barks and it can also be used independently in the meaning 'bark / skin' [DSCCS: 441].
Shawi:šaʔwɨ-tɨʔ {sha'wë-të'}3
Hart 1988: 212, 429. Polysemy: 'leather / bark'. -tɨʔ {-të'} is a classifier for skins and barks. 3Sg: šaʔwɨ-tɨ̃ {sha'huëtën}.
Proto-Cahuapanan:
Not reconstructible. *=tɨk must have been a classifier.
NUMBER:3
WORD:bark
Shiwilu:tɘk {tek}2
DSCCS: 441. Polysemy: 'skin / bark'.
Shawi:
Proto-Cahuapanan:
NUMBER:4
WORD:belly
Shiwilu:ðuʔ {du'}1
DSCCS: 96. Polysemy: 'belly / abdomen'.
Shawi:yuʔ-nã {yo'nan}1
Hart 1988: 251. Polysemy: 'belly / abdomen / cotton ball / round fruit'. Distinct from ãpu-pi-tɨʔ {anpopitë'} 'stomach' [Hart 1988: 33]. Also used as a classifier morpheme for bellies [Hart 1988: 481].
Proto-Cahuapanan:*yuʔ1
Valenzuela 2011: #50 (*juʔ). Distribution: Preserved in all daughter languages. Reconstruction shape: Correspondences are completely regular.
DSCCS: 131. Glossed as 'jungle bird / bird'. Found as ilansɘɾ {ilanser} in most examples, cf. [DSCCS: 12, 42, 66]. Distinct from šumbula {shumpula} 'small bird (generic)' [DSCCS: 409].
Shawi:ãpiã-tɨ-wã {anpiantëhuan}2
Hart 1988: 33. Translated into Spanish as 'ave'. Derived from ãpiã-tɨʔ {anpiantë'} 'wing'.
Proto-Cahuapanan:*ɪlansiʔ1
Distribution: Preserved in all daughter languages. Reconstruction shape: Correspondences are completely regular, except the variations in Shawi.
Hart 1988: 93. Translated into Spanish as 'pájaro'.
Proto-Cahuapanan:
NUMBER:7
WORD:bite
Shiwilu:kitɘk-ʎi {kiteklli}1
DSCCS: 197. Distinct from wɘʎ-ʎi {welli} 'to bite (of insects) / to sting' [DSCCS: 502].
Shawi:kɨtɨ-ɾĩ {quëtërin}1
Hart 1988: 197. Polysemy: 'to give / to work / to bite'. The absence of preaspiration is unclear. Distinct from wi-n-ĩ {huinin} 'to sting' [Hart 1988: 83], nahka-tɨ-ɾĩ {nacatërin} 'to chew' [Hart 1988: 115].
Proto-Cahuapanan:*kɪtɨ(ʔ)-1
Distribution: Preserved in all daughter languages. Reconstruction shape: Correspondences are completely regular. The presence of a root-final *ʔ is not recoverable. Semantics and structure: Distinct from *wi- 'to sting'.
Hart 1988: 248. Borrowed from a Quechuan language.
Proto-Cahuapanan:
Not reconstructible.
NUMBER:9
WORD:blood
Shiwilu:ukla-ðɘk {ukladek}1
DSCCS: 467. -ðɘk {-dek} is a classifier for liquids.
Shawi:wɨna-iʔ {huënai'}1
Hart 1988: 77.
Proto-Cahuapanan:*wɨla-yɨʔ1
Distribution: Preserved in all daughter languages. Reconstruction shape: Correspondences are completely regular. Semantics and structure: A classifier for liquids is suffixed in both languages. This must have been the case already in Proto-Cahuapanan.
NUMBER:10
WORD:bone
Shiwilu:lansiʔ {lansi'}1
DSCCS: 223. Distinct from lansɘɾ {lanser} 'skeleton' [DSCCS: 222], =la {=la} 'classifier for bones, long, rigid, non-wooden objects' [DSCCS: 212].
Shawi:nãsɨʔ {nansë'}1
Hart 1988: 120. Occurs as =ɾãsɨʔ {=ransë'} as a second part of compounds [Hart 1988: 391].
Proto-Cahuapanan:*lansɪʔ ~ *lansɨʔ1
Valenzuela 2011: #30 (*ɾans[i/ɨ]ʔ). Distribution: Preserved in all daughter languages. Reconstruction shape: Correspondences are regular except for the vowel of the second syllable.
NUMBER:11
WORD:breast
Shiwilu:čiʔ-tɘk {chi'tek}1
DSCCS: 56; Madalengoitia 2013: 84. Glossed as 'chest'. Distinct from muð-iŋ {mudin} 'breast' (apparently female) [DSCCS: 277]. -tɘk {-tek} is a classifier for skins and barks.
Shawi:tɨʔ-tɨ-tɨʔ {të'tëtë'}1
Hart 1988: 232. Distinct from šuʔšu {sho'sho} 'breast, tit' [Hart 1988: 219]. -tɨʔ {-të'} is a classifier for skins and barks. 3Sg: tɨʔ-tɨ-tɨ̃ {të'tëtën}.
Proto-Cahuapanan:*tɪʔ-tɨʔ1
Distribution: Preserved in all daughter languages. Reconstruction shape: Correspondences are completely regular. Semantics and structure: A classifier for skins and barks is suffixed once in Shiwilu and twice in Shawi. Quite possibly it was suffixed once in Proto-Cahuapanan; in the independent history of Shawi it would have been reanalyzed as a part of the root, so that yet another classifier morpheme was attached to the stem. Another reconstructible stem is *muyu (3Sg *muy-in); its probable meaning in Proto-Cahuapanan is 'female breast'.
NUMBER:11
WORD:breast
Shiwilu:
Shawi:muyu-ɾuʔ {moyoro'}2
Hart 1988: 115. Refers to male chest. It is related to mu-ĩ-tɨ-ɾĩ {mointërin} 'to grow (of breasts)' [Hart 1988: 113]. -ɾuʔ {-ru'} is a classifier for powders.
Proto-Cahuapanan:
NUMBER:12
WORD:burn tr.
Shiwilu:ðiʔsɘɾʼ-ču-ʎi {di'ser'chulli}1
DSCCS: 92. Derived from ðiʔsɘt-ʎi {di'setlli} (intransitive). Distinct from ukɘt-ʎi~ ukɘɾʼ-ʎi {uketlli ~ uker'lli} (intransitive) [DSCCS: 466], apɘk-tu-ʎi {apektulli} 'to burn after having formed a pile' [DSCCS: 44].
Shawi:aʔpɨ-ɾĩ {a'përin}2
Hart 1988: 35. Distinct from wɨya-ɾĩ {huëyarin} (intransitive) [Hart 1988: 82], iʔčimi-ɾĩ {i'chimirin}, iʔčĩpi-ɾĩ {i'chinpirin} 'to set on fire / to ignite' [Hart 1988: 88].
Proto-Cahuapanan:*aʼpɨ(ʔ)- #2
Distribution: Preserved in all daughter languages, narrowing its meaning to 'to burn after having formed a pile' in Shiwilu (unless the opposite development actually took place). Most likely, borrowed to or from Proto-Jibaroan (cf. Aguaruna apˈɨ-, Huambisa apɨ- 'id.'). Replacements: The Shiwilu root might be tentatively compared to Shawi iʔčimi-ɾĩ {i'chimirin}, iʔčĩpi-ɾĩ {i'chinpirin} 'to set on fire / to ignite' (< *yiʔ...), unless the latter is related to Shiwilu ðǝksaʔ-tu-ʎi {deksa'tulli} 'to ignite / to introduce / to smear' (< *yɨk...). Reconstruction shape: Correspondences are completely regular. The presence of a root-final *ʔ is not recoverable.
Hart 1988: 239. -tɨ(ʔ) {-të(')} is a classifier for skins and barks, -ɾa {-ra} is a classifier for small objects. 3Sg: tuʔtuɾa-tɨ̃ {to'toratën}.
Proto-Cahuapanan:*tuʔ-tɨʔ-ɾa1
Valenzuela 2011: #42 (*tuʔtɨ(k)ɾa). Distribution: Preserved in all daughter languages. Reconstruction shape: Correspondences are completely regular, except for the optional development -ɨ- > -u- in Shawi. Semantics and structure: Classifiers for skins/barks and small objects are suffixed in both languages (even though synchronically they are not necessarily segmentable, especially the former one). This must have been the case already in Proto-Cahuapanan. After those were fossilized, a classifier for skins and barks was suffixed in Shawi once again.
NUMBER:14
WORD:cloud
Shiwilu:
Not attested. Cf. apɘʎʎuʔwaɲ-i {apellu'wañi} 'to be cloudy' [DSCCS: 44], tanluwan-luʔ 'black clouds' [DSCCS: 435]. The sentence translated as 'the cloud covered it {= the sun}' literally means 'the sky (kɘkki=luʔtɘk {kekkilu'tek}) got covered'.
Shawi:wiɾi-ɾuʔ-tɨʔ {huiriro'të'}1
Hart 1988: 85. Refers to white clouds (wiɾi- {huiri-} stands for 'white'). Distinct from yaɾa-ɾuʔ-tɨʔ {yararo'të'} 'black clouds' [Hart 1988: 248]. -ɾuʔ-tɨʔ {-ro'të'} is likely a sequence of classifiers, cf. piʔi=ɾuʔtɨʔ {pi'iro'të'} 'sky' [Hart 1988: 187] (derived from 'sun').
Proto-Cahuapanan:
Not reconstructible.
NUMBER:15
WORD:cold
Shiwilu:sanɘk-ʎi {saneklli}1
DSCCS: 385.
Shawi:tɨʔnah-kɨ̃ {të'naquën}2
Hart 1988: 230. Derived from tɨʔnaʔ {të'na'} 'cold (noun)'. Distinct from sɨwɨ̃ {sëhuën} 'cold feeling' [Hart 1988: 204].
Proto-Cahuapanan:
Not reconstructible.
NUMBER:16
WORD:come
Shiwilu:uk-ʎi ~ wɘk-ʎi {uklli ~ weklli}1
DSCCS: 464, 500.
Shawi:wɨʔ-nĩ {huë'nin}1
Hart 1988: 78. Oblique stem: wɨk-a- {huëca-}.
Proto-Cahuapanan:*wɨʔ- / *wɨk-1
Valenzuela 2011: #67 (*wɨ(k)). Distribution: Preserved in all daughter languages. Reconstruction shape: Correspondences are completely regular.
NUMBER:17
WORD:die
Shiwilu:čimiɲ-i {chimiñi}1
DSCCS: 59. Distinct from talɘk-ʎi {taleklli} 'to be about to die and come back to life' [DSCCS: 430], tɘktuʔ-tu-ʎi {tektu'tulli} 'to expire / to die' [DSCCS: 447], takɘʔ-ʎi ~ takɘt-ʎi ~ takɘɾʼ-ʎi {take'lli ~ taketlli ~ taker'lli} 'to die out / to fade away' [DSCCS: 429].
Shawi:čimin-ĩ {chiminin}1
Hart 1988: 65. Distinct from tahki-ɾĩ {taquirin} 'to die out' [Hart 1988: 227], aya-ɾĩ {ayarin} 'to get lost / to die' [Hart 1988: 44].
Proto-Cahuapanan:*timin-1
Valenzuela 2011: #62 (*timin). Distribution: Preserved in all daughter languages. Reconstruction shape: Correspondences are completely regular. Semantics and structure: Distinct from *taki- 'to die out'.
Valenzuela 2011: #20 (*ni(ʔ)niʔ). Distribution: Preserved in all daughter languages. Reconstruction shape: Correspondences are completely regular. Semantics and structure: Polysemy: 'dog / jaguar' in the proto-language is probable.
NUMBER:19
WORD:drink
Shiwilu:u-ʎi {ulli}1
DSCCS: 483.
Shawi:uʔu-ɾĩ {o'orin}1
Hart 1988: 155.
Proto-Cahuapanan:*u-1
Valenzuela 2011: #55 (*uʔu-). Distribution: Preserved in all daughter languages. Reconstruction shape: Correspondences are regular, though the origin of the second syllable in Shawi is poorly understood.
NUMBER:20
WORD:dry
Shiwilu:ɘŋ-ɲi {enñi}1
DSCCS: 112. Distinct from suʔwɘŋ-ɲi {su'wenñi} 'to dry' [DSCCS: 419].
Shawi:yah-kɨ̃ {yaquën}2
Hart 1988: 247. Distinct from awi-ɾĩ {ahuirin} 'to get dry' [Hart 1988: 25].
Proto-Cahuapanan:
Not reconstructible.
NUMBER:20
WORD:dry
Shiwilu:
Shawi:yanih-kɨ̃ {yaniquën}3
Hart 1988: 245.
Proto-Cahuapanan:
NUMBER:21
WORD:ear
Shiwilu:wiʔ=wɘk ~ wɘk {wi'wek ~ wek}1
DSCCS: 503; Madalengoitia 2013: 83. Polysemy: 'ear / horn'. Distinct from lala-wɘk ~ lala-uk {lalawek ~ lalauk} 'internal part of the ear / horn of a fish' [DSCCS: 218].
Shawi:wɨ-ɾa-tɨʔ {huëratë'}1
Hart 1988: 80. Polysemy: 'ear / needle eye / wing / fishbone'. -tɨʔ {-të'} is a classifier for skins and barks. 3Sg: wɨ-ɾa-tɨ̃ {huëratën}. Also used as a classifier morpheme [Hart 1988: 480].
Proto-Cahuapanan:*wɨ1
Distribution: Preserved in all daughter languages. Reconstruction shape: Correspondences are regular. Semantics and structure: The Shawi word is derived from *wɨ-ɾa-tɨʔ, cf. Shiwilu wiʔ=wɘk-lala 'ear channel'.
NUMBER:22
WORD:earth
Shiwilu:lu-paʔ ~ luʔ-paʔ {lupa' ~ lu'pa'}1
DSCCS: 253; Madalengoitia 2013: 90 (luʔpaʔ {lu'pa'}). Polysemy: 'land / soil / country / region / world / planet'. Distinct from luʔ-tɘk {lu'tek} 'land' [DSCCS: 249]. The classifier for earth is =luʔ {=lu'} [DSCCS: 248].
Shawi:nuʔ-paʔ {no'pa'}1
Hart 1988: 144. Cf. =ɾuʔ {=ro'}, which is a classifier for earth [Hart 1988: 481].
Proto-Cahuapanan:*luʔ-paʔ1
Valenzuela 2011: #80 (*ɾu(ʔ)paʔ). Distribution: Preserved in all daughter languages. Reconstruction shape: Correspondences are completely regular, except for the loss of the medial *-ʔ- in Shiwilu attested by some (not all) sources. Semantics and structure: Distinct from the classifier morpheme *=ɾuʔ ~ *=luʔ.
NUMBER:23
WORD:eat
Shiwilu:kaʔ-ʎi {ka'lli}1
DSCCS: 168. Polysemy: 'to eat / to make love with a woman'.
Shawi:kaʔ-nĩ {ca'nin}1
Hart 1988: 48. Transitive. Polysemy: 'to eat / to make love with a woman'. Oblique stem: kap-a- {capa-}.
Proto-Cahuapanan:*kaʔ- / *kap-1
Valenzuela 2011: #56 (*kaʔ-). Distribution: Preserved in all daughter languages. Reconstruction shape: Correspondences are completely regular. Even though *-p is otherwise not known to have occurred in Proto-Cahuapanan syllable-finally, the Shawi oblique stem suggests that the opposition between *-k and *-p might have existed, perhaps at a stage preceding the breakup of Proto-Cahuapanan. Cf. a similar issue with the words for 'mouth' and 'tail'.
NUMBER:23
WORD:eat
Shiwilu:
Shawi:kuša-tǝ-ɾĩ {coshatërin}2
Hart 1988: 61. Intransitive.
Proto-Cahuapanan:
NUMBER:24
WORD:egg
Shiwilu:kaðuʔ {kadu'}1
DSCCS: 169; Madalengoitia 2013: 28.
Shawi:kayuʔ {cayo'}1
Hart 1988: 55. 3Sg: kayuk-ɨ̃ {cayoquën}.
Proto-Cahuapanan:*kayuʔ / *kayuk-1
Valenzuela 2011: #33 (*kajuʔ). Distribution: Preserved in all daughter languages. Reconstruction shape: Correspondences are completely regular.
NUMBER:25
WORD:eye
Shiwilu:laða {lada}1
DSCCS: 216; Madalengoitia 2013: 37. Polysemy: 'eye / face / seed'. Cf. ðapi-ʎi {dapilli} 'to have pain in the eye' [DSCCS: 80]; ðapi-ʎi {dapi} 'pain in the eye' [Madalengoitia 2013: 84].
Shawi:yaʔpi-ɾa {ya'pira}2
Hart 1988: 247. Polysemy: 'eye / seed / face / a leather strap pattern'. -ɾa {-ra} is a classifier for small objects. 3Sg: yaʔpi-ɾ-ĩ {ya'pirin}. Cf. =ɾaya {=raya}, which is a classifier for eyes, faces and seeds [Hart 1988: 481].
Proto-Cahuapanan:*laya1
Valenzuela 2011: #23 (*ɾaja). Distribution: Preserved in both daughter languages, becoming a classifier in Shawi. Replacements: In Shawi, the word was replaced with a reflex of *yaʼpi (the root is preserved in the meaning 'pain in the eye' and in a derivative meaning 'blind' in Shiwilu), possibly borrowed from Proto-Jivaroan *yˈapi 'face' (Aguaruna, Achuar-Shiwiar yˈapi, Huambisa yapi). Reconstruction shape: Correspondences are completely regular. Semantics and structure: Polysemy 'eye / face / seed' is attested in both daughter languages and may be safely projected to the proto-level.
NUMBER:26
WORD:fat
Shiwilu:iya-ðɘk {iyadek}1
DSCCS: 165. Polysemy: 'fat / grease / oil'. -ðɘk {-dek} is a classifier for liquids.
Valenzuela 2011: #31 (*ija). Distribution: Preserved only in Shiwilu. In Shawi, the root is preserved in the derivative iya-ɾĩ {iyarin} meaning 'to fry'. Cf. Aguaruna wˈiya 'id.'. Reconstruction shape: Shawi y is not known to correspond to Shiwilu y; it is assumed here that this consonant is originally epenthetic in both languages. Semantics and structure: The classifier for liquids was likely to be present already in Proto-Cahuapanan.
Valenzuela 2011: #36 (*anpuɾuʔ). Distribution: Preserved in all daughter languages. Reconstruction shape: Correspondences are completely regular. The presence of a root-medial *ʔ is not recoverable. Semantics and structure: Polysemy: 'feather / bodily hair' is reconstructible.
Valenzuela 2011: #32 (*pɨn). Distribution: Preserved in all daughter languages. Reconstruction shape: Correspondences are completely regular.
NUMBER:29
WORD:fish
Shiwilu:samɘɾ {samer}1
DSCCS: 384; Madalengoitia 2013: 87.
Shawi:sami {sami}1
Hart 1988: 200.
Proto-Cahuapanan:*sami1
Valenzuela 2011: #37 (*sami). Distribution: Preserved in all daughter languages. Reconstruction shape: Correspondences are completely regular.
NUMBER:30
WORD:fly
Shiwilu:pɘŋ-nuʔ-ʎi {pennu'lli}1
DSCCS: 348. Distinct from čikɘɾ-ču-ʎi ~ čikɘt-ču-ʎi ~ čikɘʔ-ču-ʎi {chikerchulli ~ chiketchulli ~ chike'chulli} 'to go away / to fly away' [DSCCS: 57].
Shawi:yãpun-ĩ {yanponin}2
Hart 1988: 246. Polysemy: 'to fly / to float'.
Proto-Cahuapanan:*pɨn-1
Valenzuela 2011: #65 (*pɨn). Distribution: Preserved in all daughter languages. Reconstruction shape: Correspondences are completely regular.
NUMBER:30
WORD:fly
Shiwilu:
Shawi:pɨn-ĩ {pënin}1
Hart 1988: 180. More specifically, 'to fly moving the wings'.
Proto-Cahuapanan:
NUMBER:31
WORD:foot
Shiwilu:lan-dɘk {lantek}1
DSCCS: 223; Madalengoitia 2013: 26. -dɘk {-tek} is a classifier for skins and barks. Distinct from ɘɾʼʎa ~ ɘʔʎa ~ ɘtʎa 'footprint' [DSCCS: 119].
Shawi:nã-tɨʔ {nantë'}1
Hart 1988: 120. -tɨʔ {-të'} is a classifier for skins and barks. 3Sg: nã-tɨ̃ {nantën}. Cf. iʔna-ɾĩ {i'narin} 'to step over' [Hart 1988: 94]. Also used as a classifier morpheme (=nã-tɨʔ / =ɾã-tɨʔ {=nantë' / =rantë'}) [Hart 1988: 480].
Proto-Cahuapanan:*lan-tɨʔ1
Valenzuela 2011: #47 (*ɾantɨk). Distribution: Preserved in all daughter languages. Reconstruction shape: Correspondences are completely regular. Semantics and structure: A classifier for skins and barks is suffixed in both languages. This must have been the case already in Proto-Cahuapanan. Distinct from *iʼla 'footstep'.
DSCCS: 278; Madalengoitia 2013: 91 (muɾʼ {mur'}). Distinct from kalaʔ-ʎi 'to fill / to place / to bury' [DSCCS: 171]; muʔyɘk-tu-ʎi {mu'yektulli} 'to be full with liquid' [DSCCS: 276].
Shawi:mɨ̃ta-ša {mëntasha}-1
Hart 1988: 111. Probably borrowed from a Jivaroan language (cf. Aguaruna nbˈɨtɨ ~ mˈɨtɨ 'id.').
Proto-Cahuapanan:
Not reconstructible. The Shiwilu word points to *mui(ʔ)-.
NUMBER:33
WORD:give
Shiwilu:ɘŋgaʔ-pa-ʎi {enka'palli}1
DSCCS: 114. Distinct from apunan-du-ʎi {apunantulli}, panu-ʎi {panulli} 'to give away, to give as a gift' [DSCCS: 48, 325].
Shawi:kɨ-tɨ-ɾĩ {quëtërin}2
Hart 1988: 197. Polysemy: 'to give / to work / to bite'. The absence of preaspiration is unclear.
Proto-Cahuapanan:
Not reconstructible.
NUMBER:34
WORD:good
Shiwilu:mu-ʎi {mulli}1
DSCCS: 279. mu=kaŋgaŋ {mukankan}, translated into Spanish as 'bueno' in [Madalengoitia 2013: 88], means more specifically 'kind / generous' [DSCCS: 278]. Distinct from wɘʔčimu ~ uʔčimu {we'chimu ~ u'chimu} 'good / beautiful / fine' [DSCCS: 459]. mu= {mu=} is also used as a verbal prefix conveying the completeness of an action.
Hart 1988: 48. Ranges from blue to green. Distinct from kanu-pi ~ kanu-wi {canopi ~ canohui} 'green, unripe fruit' [Hart 1988: 49].
Proto-Cahuapanan:
Not reconstructible.
NUMBER:36
WORD:hair
Shiwilu:ɘɲ-ǯɘk {enchek}1
DSCCS: 112; Madalengoitia 2013: 83. -ǯɘk {-chek} is a classifier for skins and barks. Distinct from amu-ʔutɘk {amu'utek} 'beard', amu-kaŋkaŋ {amukankan} 'hair on the chest', amu-pi {amupi} 'body hair / back hair' [DSCCS: 38], ampuluʔ {anpulu'} 'feather / animal hair / wool' [DSCCS: 42], ðanɘk {danek} 'fringe, bangs' [DSCCS: 77].
Shawi:aĩ {ain}1
Hart 1988: 25. Distinct from ãpuɾuʔ {anporo'} 'feather / hair / bodily hair' [Hart 1988: 33], which likely can only mean 'single hair'.
Proto-Cahuapanan:*in1
Valenzuela 2011: #38 (*ain(tɨk)). Distribution: Preserved in all daughter languages. Reconstruction shape: Correspondences are possibly regular despite the unique environment.
NUMBER:37
WORD:hand
Shiwilu:i-tɘk-la {itekla}1
DSCCS: 164. -tɘk {-tek} is a classifier for skins and barks, -la {-la} is a classifier for small objects.
Shawi:imi-ɾa {imira}2
Hart 1988: 92. -ɾa {-ra} is a classifier for small objects. Likely derived from imiʔ {imi'} 'little span' [Hart 1988: 91]. 3Sg: imi-ɾ-ĩ {imirin}. Also used as a classifier morpheme [Hart 1988: 480].
Proto-Cahuapanan:
Not reconstructible.
NUMBER:38
WORD:head
Shiwilu:mutuʔ {mutu'}1
DSCCS: 282; Madalengoitia 2013: 26. Polysemy: 'head / unit of potato'.
Shawi:muhtuʔ {moto'}1
Hart 1988: 114. Polysemy: 'head / sheaf / bunch / wick / handle'. 3Sg: muht-ɨ̃ {motën}. Also used as a classifier morpheme [Hart 1988: 480].
Proto-Cahuapanan:*mutuʔ1
Valenzuela 2011: #39 (*mutuʔ). Distribution: Preserved in all daughter languages. Might be related to Jivaroan words for 'brain' (Aguaruna bucˈuk, Huambica mucuk(ɨ-)). Reconstruction shape: Correspondences are completely regular.
NUMBER:39
WORD:hear
Shiwilu:lawɘk-ʎi {laweklli}1
DSCCS: 227; Madalengoitia 2013: 93 (lawɘk- ~ lauk- {lawek- ~ lauk-}). Polysemy: 'to hear / to listen / to understand'.
Shawi:nahtan-ĩ {natanin}2
Hart 1988: 125.
Proto-Cahuapanan:
Not reconstructible.
NUMBER:40
WORD:heart
Shiwilu:ðinlupi {dinlupi}1
DSCCS: 94; Madalengoitia 2013: 36.
Shawi:ninupi {ninopi}1
Hart 1988: 133.
Proto-Cahuapanan:*yɪnlupɪ1
Valenzuela 2011: #53 (*jinɾupi). Distribution: Preserved in all daughter languages. Reconstruction shape: The development *y > n in Shawi might be irregular.
NUMBER:41
WORD:horn
Shiwilu:pɘŋmuŋ {penmun}1
DSCCS: 348. Said of mammals. Distinct from lala-wɘk ~ lala-uk {lalawek ~ lalauk} 'internal part of the ear / horn of a fish' [DSCCS: 218], lɘɾʼ {ler'} 'horn of a catfish or other fish without scales / thorn' [DSCCS: 232].
Shawi:pumũ {pomon}1
Hart 1988: 193. 3Sg: pumun-ɨ̃ {pomonën}.
Proto-Cahuapanan:*pɨnmun1
Distribution: Preserved in all daughter languages. Reconstruction shape: Correspondences might turn out to be regular if more examples of *ɨ..u > Shawi u...u can be identified.
NUMBER:41
WORD:horn
Shiwilu:wiʔ=wɘk ~ wɘk {wi'wek ~ wek}2
DSCCS: 503; Madalengoitia 2013: 83. Used at least of bulls and fish [DSCCS: 60, 72].
Shawi:
Proto-Cahuapanan:
NUMBER:42
WORD:I
Shiwilu:kʷa {kua}1
DSCCS: 201; Madalengoitia 2013: 82.
Shawi:ka ~ kaa {ca ~ caa}1
Hart 1988: 44.
Proto-Cahuapanan:*kʷa1
Valenzuela 2011: #1. Distribution: Preserved in all daughter languages. Reconstruction shape: Correspondences are completely regular.
NUMBER:43
WORD:kill
Shiwilu:ðiʔ-ʎi {di'lli}1
DSCCS: 92. Distinct from lakiʔ-ʎi {laki'lli} 'to kill by biting' [DSCCS: 216], pakiʔ-tu-ʎi {paki'tulli} 'to kill instantly / to kill with a blow / to kill at once' [DSCCS: 318], akiʔ-tu-ʎi {aki'tulli} 'to kill by stepping, stomping' [DSCCS: 29].
Shawi:tɨhpa-ɾĩ {tëparin}2
Hart 1988: 231. Also used as intransitive when referring to one's children or spouse.
Proto-Cahuapanan:
Not reconstructible. The Shiwilu form should go back to *yiK-.
Hart 1988: 239. -tɨʔ {-të'} is a classifier for skins and barks. 3Sg: tuʔtuwi-tɨ̃ {to'tohuitën}.
Proto-Cahuapanan:*tuʔtuʔpɪ1
Valenzuela 2011: #48 (*tuʔtu[ʔ]pi). Distribution: Preserved in all daughter languages. Reconstruction shape: Correspondences are completely regular.
NUMBER:45
WORD:know
Shiwilu:ɲiɲǯi-tu-ʎi {ñinchitulli}1
DSCCS: 304. Polysemy: 'to learn / to know'. Derived from ɲiɲǯi {ñinchi} 'to know how to' [DSCCS: 302]. Distinct from luwɘɾ-a-pa-ʎi {luwerapalli} 'to be familiar with', luwɘɾ-ču-ʎi {luwerchulli} 'to know (in person) / to meet / to find out' [DSCCS: 258].
Shawi:
Not attested. Cf. nitu-tɨ-ɾĩ {nitotërin} 'to know how to / to learn / to be able to' [Hart 1988: 139], nuwi-ɾĩ {nohuirin} 'to know (in person) / to get to know / to find out' [Hart 1988: 141].
Proto-Cahuapanan:
Not reconstructible.
NUMBER:46
WORD:leaf
Shiwilu:lalu-mɘk {lalumek}1
DSCCS: 218; Madalengoitia 2013: 88. Distinct from wawa-mɘk {wawamek} 'new leaf' [DSCCS: 497]. =mɘk {=mek} is a classifier for trees or papers.
Shawi:wɨɾũ {huëron}2
Hart 1988: 81. Distinct from =mɨʔ {=më'}, which is a classifier for trees or papers [Hart 1988: 480].
Proto-Cahuapanan:
Not reconstructible.
NUMBER:46
WORD:leaf
Shiwilu:miʔmiŋ {mi'min}2
DSCCS: 273. Less abundant than lalu-mɘk {lalumek} throughout the examples; not attested referring to trees other than ñejilla palm (Bactris sp.).
Shawi:munuʔ {mono'}3
Hart 1988: 113. 3Sg: munuk-ɨ̃ {monoquën}.
Proto-Cahuapanan:
NUMBER:47
WORD:lie
Shiwilu:pɘkkʷaʔ-ʎi {pekkua'lli}1
DSCCS: 338.
Shawi:kɨwɨn-ĩ {quëhuënin} #2
Hart 1988: 195. Translated as 'to lie down'.
Proto-Cahuapanan:
Not reconstructible.
NUMBER:48
WORD:liver
Shiwilu:kaŋkaŋ {kankan}1
DSCCS: 178; Madalengoitia 2013: 85. For the Shiwilu, this is the internal organ associated with emotions and thinking.
Shawi:kãkã {kankan}1
Hart 1988: 47. Reportedly, the center of the body for the Shawi. 3Sg: kãkan-ɨ̃ {cancanën}. Cf. =(k)ãkã {=(k)ankan}, which is a classifier for livers [Hart 1988: 480].
Proto-Cahuapanan:*kaŋkan1
Valenzuela 2011: #54 (*kankan). Distribution: Preserved in all daughter languages. Reconstruction shape: Correspondences are completely regular. Semantics and structure: For the speakers of both daughter languages, this is an important organ associated with emotions. This must have been the case alreay in Proto-Cahuapanan.
NUMBER:49
WORD:long
Shiwilu:ši- {shi-}1
DSCCS: 406; Madalengoitia 2013: 33 (ši-ʎiŋ {shillin}). Used with various classifiers. Cf. ši-ŋ {shin} 'very long'.
Shawi:nahpuɾu-pi {naporopi}2
Hart 1988: 123. Cf. čãčupi-mašuwɨʔ {chanchopi mashohuë'} 'id.', which is derived from čãčupi-ya {chanchopiya} 'short' [Hart 1988: 63].
Proto-Cahuapanan:
Not reconstructible.
NUMBER:50
WORD:louse
Shiwilu:čimɨŋ {chimen}1
DSCCS: 58. Glossed as 'lice'.
Shawi:tɨmɨ̃ {tëmën}1
Hart 1988: 230.
Proto-Cahuapanan:*tɪmɨn1
Valenzuela 2011: #21 (*timɨn). Distribution: Preserved in all daughter languages. Cf. Jivaroan *tˈɨma 'id.' (Aguaruna, Achuar-Shiwiar tˈɨma, Huambisa tɨma). Reconstruction shape: Correspondences are completely regular.
NUMBER:51
WORD:man
Shiwilu:ɘŋmuʔpinɘŋ {enmupinen}1
DSCCS: 115. Distinct from iyaʎiʔ ~ yaʎiʔ {iyalli' ~ yalli'} 'man (male speech) / brother of a man' [DSCCS: 515]. Cf. =pɘŋ {=pen}, which is a classifier for men [DSCCS: 347].
Shawi:kɨma-pi {quëmapi}2
Hart 1988: 196. Derived from kɨmaʔ {quëma'} 'wild, uncivilized'. Cf. =pĩ {=pin}, which is a classifier for men [Hart 1988: 481].
Proto-Cahuapanan:*kɨnmaʔ-pɨn ~ *kɨnmaʔ-pɪn2
Distribution: Preserved in all daughter languages, narrowing its meaning to 'Indian man' in Shiwilu. Replacements: The Shiwilu word corresponds quite well to Shawi imuhpinɨ̃ {imopinën} 'a wide fold in the upper part of a shirt', though the semantic development is mysterious. Reconstruction shape: Correspondences are completely regular within the root. The suffixal morpheme is certainly a classifier for men (though in Shawi it went through irregular loss of nasality); Shiwilu and Shawi vowels do not match: Shiwilu points to *-pɨn, whereas Shawi points to *-pɪn. Semantics and structure: The word is derived from *kɨnmaʔ 'indigenous person'. Note that at the time when Proto-Cahuapanan was spoken the opposition 'indigenous / white' could not exist.
NUMBER:52
WORD:many
Shiwilu:uʔðuŋ {u'dun}1
DSCCS: 460. Distinct from naku-suʔ {nakusu'} 'too much / very / much' [DSCCS: 286].
Valenzuela 2011: #74 (*yuki). Distribution: Preserved in all daughter languages. Reconstruction shape: Correspondences are completely regular. Semantics and structure: Polysemy: 'moon / month' is reconstructible.
NUMBER:55
WORD:mountain
Shiwilu:mutupi {mutupi}1
DSCCS: 282. Polysemy: 'mountain / hill'. Cited as mutuʔpi {mutu'pi} in [DSCCS: 500, 520].
Shawi:tanã {tanan}2
Hart 1988: 223, 413. Polysemy: 'jungle / forest / mountain'. The latter meaning is only found in the Spanish-Shawi part, not in the Shawi-Spanish one. Distinct from panɨ̃ {panën} 'hill' (Spanish colina) [Hart 1988: 168], muhtupi {motopi} 'loma, hill' (Spanish cerro) [Hart 1988: 114].
Proto-Cahuapanan:*mutupɪ1
Distribution: Preserved in all daughter languages at least in the meaning 'hill'. Reconstruction shape: Correspondences are completely regular. Semantics and structure: The meaning 'mountain' is apparently marginal in the reflexes of Proto-Cahuapanan *tanan 'jungle / forest' in both daughter languages.
NUMBER:55
WORD:mountain
Shiwilu:tana ~ tanaŋ {tana ~ tanan}2
DSCCS: 431. Polysemy: 'jungle / woodland / forest / mountain'. The latter meaning is attested in examples in [DSCCS: 58, 194] but not found as an explicit translation in the dictionary.
Hart 1988: 117. Glossed as 3Sg. Polysemy: 'mouth / word'. It is uncertain whether -m- {-m-} can belong to a suffix. Distinct from nanã {nanan} 'word / gossip / news / language'.Cf. =anã {=anan}, which is a classifier for mouths [Hart 1988: 480].
Proto-Cahuapanan:*laʔ-laʔ ~ *lan-lan / *lan-lam-1
Valenzuela 2011: #44 (*ɾaʔɾa[ʔ/n]). Distribution: Preserved in all daughter languages. Reconstruction shape: Shiwilu form points to *laʔ-laʔ, while Shawi form points to *lan-lan / *lan-lam-. Final *-m- is reconstructed exclusively to account for the 3Sg form in Shawi (cf. the words for 'tail' and 'to eat'). Semantics and structure: Polysemy: 'mouth / word / language / speech act' can be reconstructed.
Distribution: Preserved in all daughter languages. Reconstruction shape: Correspondences are completely regular, except for Shiwilu forms with optional denasalization. Semantics and structure: Both languages preserve the reduplicated variant. *lɪn is only reflected in Shiwilu, where it is featured both independently and in compounds (e.g. maʔ=ʎiŋ {ma'llin} 'what name').
Hart 1988: 58, 385. Polysemy: 'neck / throat'. Distinct from uŋki {onqui} 'nape' [Hart 1988: 155]. 3Sg: kunũ {conon}. Cf. =kunu {=cono}, which is a classifier for throats [Hart 1988: 480]. Hardly borrowed from a Jivaroan language (Proto-Jivaroan *kuntˈuh, Aguaruna kuntˈuŋ ~ kuntˈuh, Achuar-Shiwiar kuntˈuh, Huambisa kuntɨh(a-)).
Proto-Cahuapanan:*uŋki1
Distribution: Preserved in all daughter languages, shifting its meaning to 'nape' in Shawi. Reconstruction shape: Correspondences are completely regular. Semantics and structure: Distinct from *kulu 'throat' (Valenzuela 2011: #51 (*kuɾupi).
Hart 1988: 124. =ša {=sha} is a classifier for new objects [Hart 1988: 481].
Proto-Cahuapanan:
Not reconstructible. If Shiwilu nalu is further segmentable, *na can be reconstructed.
NUMBER:60
WORD:night
Shiwilu:ðɘkpiʎi {dekpilli} #1
DSCCS: 87. Polysemy: 'late night / at night / night'. Glossed as an adverb. Cf. =wiʎi-{=willi} 'at night (verbal suffix)' [DSCCS: 507]. Distinct from uta-ʎi {utalli} 'to be late at night' [DSCCS: 480], kasisɘɾʼ {kasiser'} 'night / dark' [Madalengoitia 2013: 91]; kasisɘɾ-ʎi {kasiserlli} 'to get dark' [DSCCS: 184] (the latter two are likely borrowed from Proto-Jivaroan *kˈaši, Aguaruna, Achuar-Shiwiar kˈaši, Huambisa kaši 'night').
Shawi:tašiʔ {tashi'}2
Hart 1988: 227. Polysemy: 'night / at night'.
Proto-Cahuapanan:
Not reconstructible with certainty. Replacements: Shawi tašiʔ is likely related to Shiwilu tasɘɾ- 'old' (both going back to *tasi(ʔ)), but the meaning of this root in the proto-language was hardly 'night' (rather something like 'late').
DSCCS: 298; Madalengoitia 2013: 89. -čɘk {-chek} is a classifier for skins and barks.
Shawi:ni-tɨʔ {nitë'}1
Hart 1988: 138. -tɨʔ {-të'} is a classifier for skins and barks. Also used as a classifier morpheme [Hart 1988: 481]. 3Sg: ni-tɨ̃ ~ ni-tɨk-ɨ̃ {nitën ~ nitëquën}.
Proto-Cahuapanan:*ni-tɨʔ1
Valenzuela 2011: #43 (*n[i/ɨ]tɨk). Distribution: Preserved in all daughter languages. Reconstruction shape: Correspondences are completely regular. Semantics and structure: A classifier for skins and barks is suffixed in both languages. This must have been the case already in Proto-Cahuapanan. Cf. *ni-ɪ- 'to breathe'.
NUMBER:62
WORD:not
Shiwilu:=iʔn {=i'n}1
DSCCS: 124. Distinct from =imbuʔ {=impu'} which seems to negate nominal predicates [DSCCS: 151]. Certainly more basic than =čiʔ {=chi'} [DSCCS: 862] or ɲi {ñi} 'not / neither' [DSCCS: 300].
Shawi:kuʔ ~ ku-...-wɨʔ {co' ~ co ...huë'}3
Hart 1988: 56. Distinct from amaʔ {ama'} 'prohibitive'.
Proto-Cahuapanan:*kuʔ3
Valenzuela 2011: #8 (*kuʔ). Distribution: Preserved only in Shawi; in Shiwilu, apparently preserved in an interjection. Reconstruction shape: Correspondences are completely regular. Replacements: Shiwilu maʔ-ša {ma'sha} is probably related to Shawi maʔ-ša {ma'sha} 'thing / animal'.
NUMBER:62
WORD:not
Shiwilu:maʔ-ša {ma'sha}2
DSCCS: 262; Madalengoitia 2013: 88 (maʔ-šɘa {ma'shea}). Glossed as an interjection but it is identifiable as a general negation throughout the examples [DSCCS: 267, 308, 350, 375], unlike kuʔ-la {ku'la}, which is a true interjection [DSCCS: 200].
Shawi:
Proto-Cahuapanan:
NUMBER:63
WORD:one
Shiwilu:alaʔ ~ alaʔ-saʔ {ala' ~ ala'sa'}1
DSCCS: 31, 33.
Shawi:aʔnaʔ ~ aʔna-ɾaʔ {a'na' ~ a'nara'}1
Hart 1988: 29.
Proto-Cahuapanan:*aʼlaʔ1
Valenzuela 2011: #11 (*a(ʔ)ɾaʔ). Distribution: Preserved in all daughter languages. Reconstruction shape: Correspondences are completely regular.
NUMBER:64
WORD:person
Shiwilu:muðaʔ {muda'}1
DSCCS: 276; Madalengoitia 2013: 88. Polysemy: 'human being / person / people'.
Shawi:piya-pi {piyapi}2
Hart 1988: 192. Cf. =yaʔpi {=ya'pi}, which is a classifier for people [Hart 1988: 481].
Proto-Cahuapanan:*kɨnmaʔ3
Distribution: Reflected as Shiwilu kɘŋmaʔ {kenma'} 'Indian, native person, indigenous person' and Shawi kɨmaʔ {quëma'} 'wild, uncivilized'. Reconstruction shape: Correspondences are completely regular. Semantics and structure: It should be noted that at the time when Proto-Cahuapanan was spoken, the opposition 'Indigenous / white' could not exist.
NUMBER:65
WORD:rain
Shiwilu:uʔlaŋ {u'lan}1
DSCCS: 460.
Shawi:uʔnã {o'nan}1
Hart 1988: 152.
Proto-Cahuapanan:*uʔlan1
Valenzuela 2011: #77 (*uʔɾan). Distribution: Preserved in all daughter languages. Reconstruction shape: Correspondences are completely regular.
NUMBER:66
WORD:red
Shiwilu:pipɘɾ ~ pipɘɾʼ {piper ~ piper'}1
DSCCS: 367.
Shawi:kɨwa-nɨ̃ {quëhuanën}2
Hart 1988: 195. Maybe borrowed from a Jivaroan language (Aguaruna kapˈantu, Achuar-Shiwiar kapˈantin, Huambisa kapantin 'id.'), but this is uncertain.
DSCCS: 164; Madalengoitia 2013: 83. -tɘk {-tek} is a classifier for skins and barks.
Shawi:i-tɨʔ {itë'}1
Hart 1988: 104. -tɨʔ {-të'} is a classifier for skins and barks. 3Sg: i-tɨ̃ {itën}.
Proto-Cahuapanan:*ɪ-tɨʔ1
Valenzuela 2011: #25 (*itɨk). Distribution: Preserved in all daughter languages. Reconstruction shape: Correspondences are completely regular. Semantics and structure: A classifier for skins and barks is suffixed in both languages. This must have been the case already in Proto-Cahuapanan.
NUMBER:69
WORD:round
Shiwilu:
Not attested. Cited as muŋguŋ {munkun} in [Valenzuela: 300]. Cf. =pi {=pi} 'classifier for roundish fruits, tridimensional roundish objects larger than a seed' [DSCCS: 352], =la {=la} 'classifier for seeds, grains, small and roundish objects' [DSCCS: 212].
Hart 1988: 440. piɾuta seems to be borrowed from Spanish pelˈota 'ball', so it means literally 'ball-shaped'. Cited as tawiši {tahuishi} in [Valenzuela: 300].
Proto-Cahuapanan:
Not reconstructible. It is possible that there was no lexical expression for the concept.
DSCCS: 90. -ʎuʔ- {-llu'-} is a classifier for powders, -tɘk {-tek} is a classifier for skins and barks (the semantic motivation is somewhat unclear).
Shawi:i-nu-tɨʔ {inotë'}1
Hart 1988: 96. Polysemy: 'sand / beach'. -nu- {-nu-} is a classifier for powders, -tɨʔ {-të'} is a classifier for skins and barks (the semantic motivation is somewhat unclear).
Proto-Cahuapanan:*yi-luʔ-tɨʔ1
Distribution: Preserved in all daughter languages. Reconstruction shape: Correspondences are completely regular. Semantics and structure: Classifiers for earth and skin/bark are suffixed in both languages. This must have been the case already in Proto-Cahuapanan.
NUMBER:71
WORD:say
Shiwilu:t-u-ʎi {itulli}1
DSCCS: 438. Cf. i=t-u-ʎi {itulli} 'to say something to someone / to call' [DSCCS: 164].
Valenzuela 2011: #72 (*it(ɨ/u)). Distribution: Preserved in all daughter languages. An identical root is found in Jivaroan languages. Reconstruction shape: Correspondences are completely regular. Semantics and structure: The verb *ɪ=t- 'to tell' is derived from *t-.
NUMBER:72
WORD:see
Shiwilu:ʎiʔ-ʎi {lli'lli}1
DSCCS: 234; Madalengoitia 2013: 87, 88. Polysemy: 'to see / to take care / to forecast / to announce'.
Valenzuela 2011: #58 (*ɾiʔ). Distribution: Preserved in all daughter languages. Reconstruction shape: Correspondences are completely regular.
NUMBER:72
WORD:see
Shiwilu:
Shawi:kɨnan-ĩ {quënanin}2
Hart 1988: 196. Polysemy: 'to see / to find'.
Proto-Cahuapanan:
NUMBER:73
WORD:seed
Shiwilu:laða {lada}1
DSCCS: 216. Polysemy: 'eye / face / seed'. Cf. =la {=la} 'classifier for seeds, grains, small and roundish objects' [DSCCS: 212].
Shawi:yaʔpi-ɾa {ya'pira}2
Hart 1988: 247. Polysemy: 'eye / seed / face / a leather strap pattern'. -ɾa {-ra} is a classifier for small objects. 3Sg: yaʔpi-ɾ-ĩ {ya'pirin}. Cf. =ɾaya {=raya}, which is a classifier for eyes, faces and seeds [Hart 1988: 481].
Proto-Cahuapanan:*laya1
Valenzuela 2011: #23 (*ɾaja). Distribution: Preserved in both daughter languages, becoming a classifier in Shawi. Replacements: In Shawi, the word was replaced with a reflex of *yaʼpi (the root is preserved in the derivatives meaning 'to have pain in the eye' and 'blind' in Shiwilu), cf. Proto-Jivaroan *yˈapi 'face' (Aguaruna, Achuar-Shiwiar yˈapi, Huambisa yapi). Reconstruction shape: Correspondences are completely regular. Semantics and structure: Polysemy 'eye / face / seed' is attested in both daughter languages and may be projected onto the proto-level.
NUMBER:74
WORD:sit
Shiwilu:ðuʔ-ʎi {du'lli}1
DSCCS: 97; Madalengoitia 2013: 70. Polysemy: 'to sit / to sit down'.
Shawi:wɨ̃sɨ-ɾĩ {huënsërin} #2
Hart 1988: 79. Translated as 'to sit down'. Polysemy: 'to sit down / to wake up / to follow the puberty rituals (of girls)'.
Proto-Cahuapanan:
Not reconstructible.
NUMBER:75
WORD:skin
Shiwilu:čipi-tɘk {chipitek}1
DSCCS: 64; Madalengoitia 2013: 92. Polysemy: 'skin / bark / leather / fish scales'. -tɘk is a classifier for skins and barks and it can also be used independently in the meaning 'bark / skin' [DSCCS: 441].
Shawi:šaʔwɨ-tɨʔ {sha'wë-të'}3
Hart 1988: 212, 429. Polysemy: 'leather / bark'. -tɨʔ {-të'} is a classifier for skins and barks. 3Sg: šaʔwɨ-tɨ̃ {sha'huëtën}.
Proto-Cahuapanan:
Not reconstructible. *=tɨʔ must have been a classifier.
NUMBER:75
WORD:skin
Shiwilu:tɘk {tek}2
DSCCS: 441. Polysemy: 'skin / bark'.
Shawi:
Proto-Cahuapanan:
NUMBER:76
WORD:sleep
Shiwilu:wi-č-iʔ-ʎi {wichi'lli}1
DSCCS: 504.
Shawi:wɨʔɨ-ɾĩ {huë'ërin}1
Hart 1988: 76.
Proto-Cahuapanan:*wɪ...1
Valenzuela 2011: #61 (*w[i/ɨ]Ci(ʔ)). Distribution: Preserved in both daughter languages. Reconstruction shape: Correspondences are apparently irregular; in both languages the root structure was obscured by suffixation.
NUMBER:77
WORD:small
Shiwilu:aʔmɘɾ {a'mer}1
DSCCS: 76.
Shawi:waʔw-i-šĩ {hua'huishin}3
Hart 1988: 71. Derived from waʔwa {hua'hua} 'baby' [Hart 1988: 69]. Cf. =ɾa {=ra}, which is a classifier for small objects [Hart 1988: 481]. Distinct from yami- {yami-} 'small / thin' [Hart 1988: 243].
Proto-Cahuapanan:*yami2
Distribution: Preserved in both daughter languages, becoming slightly less basic in Shawi. Replacements: In Shawi, a derivative of waʔwa {hua'hua} 'baby' is found, itself cognate with Shiwilu wawa {wawa} 'baby / boy / child / youth / offspring / baby animal' (< Proto-Cahuapanan *waʔwa, a borrowing from Quechua). Reconstruction shape: Correspondences are completely regular.
NUMBER:77
WORD:small
Shiwilu:ðamɘɾ {damer}2
DSCCS: 13.
Shawi:
Proto-Cahuapanan:
NUMBER:78
WORD:smoke
Shiwilu:kɘʎʎu {kellu}1
DSCCS: 189; Madalengoitia 2013: 85.
Shawi:kunaiʔ {conai'}2
Hart 1988: 58.
Proto-Cahuapanan:
Not reconstructible.
NUMBER:79
WORD:stand
Shiwilu:wanɘʎ-ʎi {wanelli}1
DSCCS: 494; Madalengoitia 2013: 93. Distinct from yuns-aɲ-i {yunsañi} 'to stand up / to wake up / to come out of the mosquito net / to rise in protest / to stand up in arms' [DSCCS: 519].
Shawi:wani-ɾĩ {huanirin} #1
Hart 1988: 73. Translated as 'to stand up'. Polysemy: 'to stand up / to end the puberty rituals (of girls)'.
Proto-Cahuapanan:*wani-1
Valenzuela 2011: #70 (*wani). Distribution: Preserved in both daughter languages. Reconstruction shape: Correspondences are completely regular.
NUMBER:80
WORD:star
Shiwilu:tanðu-la {tandula}1
DSCCS: 433; Madalengoitia 2013: 41. -la {-la} is a classifier for small objects.
Shawi:tayu-ɾa {tayora}1
Hart 1988: 229. -ɾa {-ra} is a classifier for small objects.
Proto-Cahuapanan:*ta(n)yu-ɾa1
Valenzuela 2011: #75 (*ta(n)jura). Distribution: Preserved in both daughter languages. Reconstruction shape: Correspondences are regular, except for the nasal coda of the first syllable. Semantics and structure: A classifier for small objects is suffixed in both languages. This must have been the case already in Proto-Cahuapanan.
NUMBER:81
WORD:stone
Shiwilu:laʔpi {la'pi}1
DSCCS: 214.
Shawi:naʔpi {na'pi}1
Hart 1988: 121.
Proto-Cahuapanan:*laʔpɪ1
Valenzuela 2011: #78 (*ɾaʔpi). Distribution: Preserved in both daughter languages. Reconstruction shape: Correspondences are completely regular.
Valenzuela 2011: #64 (*(i)jun). Distribution: Preserved in both daughter languages. Reconstruction shape: Correspondences are regular, except for the initial i- in Shiwilu.
NUMBER:84
WORD:tail
Shiwilu:ʎin-dɘk {llintek}1
DSCCS: 244; Madalengoitia 2013: 87. Polysemy: 'tail / vine / ayahuasca'. -dɘk {-tek} is a classifier for skins and barks. Distinct from yuʔ {yu'} 'tail of a bird' [DSCCS: 517].
Shawi:winam-ɨ̃ {huinamën}2
Hart 1988: 82. Glossed as 3Sg. Cf. =winã {=huinan}, which is a classifier for tails [Hart 1988: 480].
Proto-Cahuapanan:
Not reconstructible.
NUMBER:85
WORD:that
Shiwilu:nana {nana}1
DSCCS: 288; Madalengoitia 2013: 35, 45. Polysemy: 'that / he / she / it'.
Shawi:ina {ina}1
Hart 1988: 93.
Proto-Cahuapanan:*...na1
Valenzuela 2011: #5 (*[na/i]na). Distribution: Preserved in both daughter languages. Reconstruction shape: Correspondences are apparently regular; in both languages the root structure was obscured by prefixation.
NUMBER:85
WORD:that
Shiwilu:
Shawi:pasuʔ {paso'}2
Hart 1988: 175.
Proto-Cahuapanan:
NUMBER:86
WORD:this
Shiwilu:asuʔ {asu'}1
DSCCS: 50; Madalengoitia 2013: 32.
Shawi:isuʔ {iso'}1
Hart 1988: 102.
Proto-Cahuapanan:*...suʔ1
Valenzuela 2011: #4 (*[a/i]suʔ). Distribution: Preserved in both daughter languages. Reconstruction shape: Correspondences are apparently regular; in both languages the root structure was obscured by prefixation.
NUMBER:87
WORD:thou
Shiwilu:kɘŋma {kenma}1
DSCCS: 189; Madalengoitia 2013: 85.
Shawi:kɨma {quëma}1
Hart 1988: 196.
Proto-Cahuapanan:*kɨnma1
Valenzuela 2011: #2. Distribution: Preserved in both daughter languages. Reconstruction shape: Correspondences are completely regular.
NUMBER:88
WORD:tongue
Shiwilu:ɲinɘk-la {ñinekla}1
DSCCS: 304; Madalengoitia 2013: 61. -la {-la} is a classifier for small objects.
Shawi:nɨnɨ-ɾa {nënëɾa}1
Hart 1988: 127. -ɾa {-ra} is a classifier for small objects. 3Sg: nɨnɨ-ɾ-ĩ {nënërin}. Also used as a classifier morpheme [Hart 1988: 480].
Proto-Cahuapanan:*nɪnɨ(ʔ)-ɾa1
Valenzuela 2011: #46 (*ninɨkɾa). Distribution: Preserved in both daughter languages. Note the similarity to Arawak forms. Reconstruction shape: Correspondences are completely regular. The presence of a root-final *-ʔ- is not recoverable. Semantics and structure: A classifier for small objects is suffixed in both languages. This must have been the case already in Proto-Cahuapanan.
NUMBER:89
WORD:tooth
Shiwilu:la-tɘk {latek}1
DSCCS: 225; Madalengoitia 2013: 86. Polysemy: 'tooth / grain / kernel / or small manioc'. -tɘk {-tek} is a classifier for skins and barks.
Shawi:na-tɨʔ {natë'}1
Hart 1988: 125. Surfaces as =ɾa-tɨʔ {=ratë'} as a second part of compounds. -tɨʔ {-të'} is a classifier for skins and barks. Also used as a classifier morpheme [Hart 1988: 481].
Proto-Cahuapanan:*la-tɨʔ1
Valenzuela 2011: #45 (*ɾatɨk). Distribution: Preserved in all daughter languages. Reconstruction shape: Correspondences are completely regular. Semantics and structure: A classifier for skins and barks is suffixed in both languages. This must have been the case already in Proto-Cahuapanan.
NUMBER:90
WORD:tree
Shiwilu:nala {nala}1
DSCCS: 286; Madalengoitia 2013: 89 ('stick'). Polysemy: 'tree / wood / pieces of wood / tree trunk / pole / stick'. Cf. =naŋ {=nan}, which is a classifier for long thin wooden objects [DSCCS: 288].
Shawi:naɾa {nara}1
Hart 1988: 124. Polysemy: 'tree / stick'. Cf. =nã {=nan}, which is a classifier for trees and instruments [Hart 1988: 480]. Distinct from nõ-tɨʔ {nontë'} 'wood / board' [Hart 1988: 144, 406].
Proto-Cahuapanan:*naɾa1
Valenzuela 2011: #22 (*naɾa). Distribution: Preserved in all daughter languages. Reconstruction shape: Correspondences are completely regular.
Valenzuela 2011: #66 (*paʔ). Distribution: Preserved in all daughter languages. Reconstruction shape: Correspondences are completely regular.
NUMBER:93
WORD:warm
Shiwilu:uka-ʎi {ukalli}1
DSCCS: 465. Polysemy: 'to be hot / to have fever'.
Shawi:waa ~ waʔ {huaa ~ hua'}2
Hart 1988: 69.
Proto-Cahuapanan:
Not reconstructible.
NUMBER:93
WORD:warm
Shiwilu:
Shawi:wɨyaʔ {huëya'}3
Hart 1988: 81.
Proto-Cahuapanan:
NUMBER:94
WORD:water
Shiwilu:ðɘk {dek}1
DSCCS: 82; Madalengoitia 2013: 42. Also used as a classifier for liquids (=ðɘk ~ =yɘk {=dek ~ =yek}).
Shawi:iʔ {i'}1
Hart 1988: 83. Also used as a classifier for liquids [Hart 1988: 480].
Proto-Cahuapanan:*yɨʔ1
Distribution: Preserved in all daughter languages. Reconstruction shape: Correspondences are completely regular. Semantics and structure: It was certainly also found as a classifier for liquids already in Proto-Cahuapanan.
Valenzuela 2011: #3b (*k[ɨ/a]npu(ʔ)wa(ʔ)). Distribution: Preserved in all daughter languages. Reconstruction shape: Correspondences are irregular. This reconstruction implies that the Shiwilu form was influenced by kɘŋma {kenma} 'you (sg)'; *kambuʔ {kampu'} would be the regular outcome. Other scenarios, however, are also possible. Semantics and structure: Inclusive dual. Plural was formed with the suffix *-(w)aʔ.
NUMBER:95
WORD:we
Shiwilu:kuða {kuda}2
DSCCS: 201; Madalengoitia 2013: 24. Exclusive.
Shawi:kiya ~ kɨya {quiya ~ quëya}2
Hart 1988: 198. Exclusive.
Proto-Cahuapanan:*kuya2
Valenzuela 2011: #3a (*k[u/i]ja). Distribution: Preserved in all daughter languages. Reconstruction shape: Correspondences are regular, except for the vowel of the first syllable in Shawi. A reconstruction like *kʷiya cannot be ruled out either. Semantics and structure: Exclusive.
NUMBER:96
WORD:what
Shiwilu:maʔ {ma'}1
DSCCS: 259; Madalengoitia 2013: 88. Polysemy: 'what / that (pronoun) / nothing'. Can be accompanied by classifiers.
Shawi:maʔ-taʔ {ma'ta'}1
Hart 1988: 110.
Proto-Cahuapanan:*maʔ1
Valenzuela 2011: #7 (*ma(ʔ)).Distribution: Preserved in all daughter languages. Reconstruction shape: Correspondences are completely regular.
Distribution: Preserved only in Shiwilu in its basic meaning; in Shawi, this root is only found in the compound 'white earth'. Reconstruction shape: Correspondences are completely regular.
NUMBER:98
WORD:who
Shiwilu:ðɘŋ {den}1
DSCCS: 90; Madalengoitia 2013: 85.
Shawi:ĩ-taʔ {inta'}1
Hart 1988: 97.
Proto-Cahuapanan:*yɨn1
Distribution: Preserved in all daughter languages. Reconstruction shape: Correspondences are completely regular.
NUMBER:99
WORD:woman
Shiwilu:kuʔapɘɾ {ku'aper}1
DSCCS: 199; Madalengoitia 2013: 84 (kuʔaʔpɘɾ {ku'a'per}). Distinct from šayaʔ {shaya'} 'older sister of a man / woman' [DSCCS: 405; Madalengoitia 2013: 92]. Cf. =luŋ {=lun}, which is a classifier for women [DSCCS: 251].
Shawi:sanapi {sanapi}2
Hart 1988: 201. Cf. =ɾũ {=ron}, which is a classifier for women [Hart 1988: 481].
Proto-Cahuapanan:
Not reconstructible. Semantics and structure: Cf. the classifier *=ɾun, which can be safely reconstructed.
NUMBER:100
WORD:yellow
Shiwilu:šaʔpiʔ {sha'pi'}1
DSCCS: 401; Madalengoitia 2013: 92.
Shawi:šaʔpi-tũ {sha'piton}1
Hart 1988: 214.
Proto-Cahuapanan:*šaʔpɪʔ1
Distribution: Preserved in all daughter languages. Reconstruction shape: Correspondences are regular except Shiwilu š ~ Shawi š in a non-palatalizing environment. I provisionally reconstruct *š; it is possible that this item turns out to be a loan from a yet unidentified source.
Hart 1988: 197. Derived from kɨʔ-nĩ {quë'nin} 'to weight (intransitive)' (pointing to earlier *kɨk-).
Proto-Cahuapanan:
Not reconstructible.
NUMBER:103
WORD:near
Shiwilu:
Not attested. Cf. kawi {kawi} [Madalengoitia 2013: 93], which is a postposition [DSCCS: 187]; muð-iŋ {mudin} [Madanelgoitia 2013: 93] is altogether absent from [DSCCS] in this meaning.
Hart 1988: 240. Distinct from piɾiyã ~ piɾuyã {piriyan ~ piroyan}, which is a postposition [Hart 1988: 190].
Proto-Cahuapanan:
Not reconstructible.
NUMBER:104
WORD:salt
Shiwilu:ðamula {damula}1
DSCCS: 77; Madalengoitia 2013: 84.
Shawi:yamuɾa {yamora}1
Hart 1988: 244.
Proto-Cahuapanan:*yamuɾa1
Distribution: Preserved in all daughter languages. Reconstruction shape: Correspondences are completely regular.
NUMBER:105
WORD:short
Shiwilu:tuŋgaʔ-ša {tunka'sha}1
DSCCS: 454.
Shawi:čãčupi-ya {chanchopiya}2
Hart 1988: 63.
Proto-Cahuapanan:
Not reconstructible.
NUMBER:106
WORD:snake
Shiwilu:ðaʔwaŋ {da'wan}1
DSCCS: 72.
Shawi:yaʔwã {ya'huan}1
Hart 1988: 241.
Proto-Cahuapanan:*yaʔwan1
Distribution: Preserved in all daughter languages. Reconstruction shape: Correspondences are completely regular.
NUMBER:107
WORD:thin
Shiwilu:simɘk {simek}1
Madalengoitia 2013: 91. Cf. simɘ-ŋ 'very thin' [DSCCS: 91]. Distinct from šaʔmuʔ-ʎi {sha'mu'lli} 'to be skinny / to be thin (of people)' [DSCCS: 401].
Shawi:šimɨ-n-ĩ {shimënin}1
Hart 1988: 215.
Proto-Cahuapanan:*sɪmɨ- #1
Distribution: Preserved in all daughter languages. Reconstruction shape: Correspondences are slightly irregular: metaphony would be expected in Shawi, with the expected outcome *sɨmɨ-.
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